In the aftermath of the killing of conservative organizer Charlie Kirk, Politico’s Global Editor-In-Chief John Harris observes that there are few, if any, national figures who are spreading a message of unity.
We’re at a point, he says, “where almost every news event very quickly does become politicized, and people view events as … weapons or shields in a nonstop political argument.”
Kirk, 31, was shot and killed while he was speaking at an event at Utah Valley University. Kirk was among the nation’s most prominent conservative organizers, founding Turning Point USA when he was just 18 years old and growing it into a nationwide youth movement with hundreds of chapters.
Harris joined POLITICO’s Dasha Burns to discuss Kirk and the impact of his life and death on American politics in the latest episode of “The Conversation.”
“He was a larger-than-life figure in Republican politics,” Burns said, describing him as “controversial” and “provocative” but noting his commitment to debate. “I interviewed Charlie multiple times and our exchanges were sometimes intense. I pressed him, he pushed back, but in the end he was always cordial. Always willing to engage,” she said.
His killing is the latest in a string of acts of political violence — from the attempted assassination of then-candidate Trump in Butler, Pennsylvania, last summer to the killing of Melissa Hortman, the former Democratic speaker of the Minnesota house, and her husband in June.
Harris notes that while there have been periods of violence in America — the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, among others — in the past, national leaders have at least sought to share messages of unity in the aftermath. While the current political moment has taken us away from that messaging, Harris notes that our climate of divisiveness is out of step with the majority of Americans.
“I think a lot of people do wish for something better," he said, "I would think almost every person wishes for something different than the horrific violence that we saw.”
The full interview with Harris is available this weekend on The Conversation wherever you get your podcasts.
'A uniquely dangerous time?': The aftermath of Charlie Kirk's killing | The Conversation
In naming Memphis the next destination for National Guard deployment, President Donald Trump has opened a new front in his crusade against cities — one that relies on cooperation from Republican governors.
So far, Trump has targeted crime in cities within states led by Democrats, deploying the Guard to Los Angeles and Washington, and threatening action in Illinois, Maryland and Oregon. But launching troops into one of deep-red Tennessee’s largest cities marks a shift for the White House, alleviating legal hurdles and strengthening the president’s efforts as he increasingly relies on the military for policing.
And Memphis may just be the start — GOP governors have shown a willingness to lean on the Guard to aid in crime fighting and deportation efforts. Before it was declared the next target on Friday, Trump had suggested he would dispatch the Guard to New Orleans — which GOP Gov. Jeff Landry celebrated. Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders this week detailed the Guard to assist in immigration enforcement in Little Rock and Fayetteville. In Texas, Gov. Greg Abbott has routinely sent the Guard to police the border, and in June authorized 5,000 troops in anticipation of protests against deportation raids.
Tennessee Republicans view the entrance of the Guard in their state as an opportunity to sharpen their attacks on Democrats over crime, an issue that remains one of the GOP’s biggest strengths.
“Why these blue state governors would act like dumbasses and not welcome the federal help to reduce the crime for their own citizens is beyond me,” said Tennessee Sen. Brent Taylor, a Memphis-area Republican who has long requested federal intervention in his city. “When it comes to the crime issue, blue state governors are as useless as a milk bucket under a bull.”
But by teaming with Republican governors, Trump will “be able to demonstrate to the rest of the country, in particular to the blue state governors, that your opposition kept your crime rate high in your cities,” he said.
Trump’s decision to go to a red state also offers more flexibility in how the National Guard is mobilized — and allows him to avoid some of the legal resistance he has faced with Democratic leaders. The White House and governor’s office have yet to decide how resources will be deployed in Memphis, but with Lee’s buy-in, the National Guard could remain under the state’s authority and avoid the constraints of the Posse Comitatus Act, which which bars the military from enforcing domestic laws without explicit permission from Congress, said Christopher Mirasola, an assistant law professor at the University of Houston Law Center.
A White House official touted the president’s federal takeover in Washington, and pointed to Memphis’ crime statistics as a key driver in the president’s decision — as well as the fact that he has the backing of some local and state Republicans who welcomed Trump’s announcement. Violent crime in Memphis has risen in the last decade, but like other large American cities, rates have decreased since pandemic-era spikes. The city’s police department said in a release this week that murder is at a six-year low, aggravated assault at a five-year low and sexual assault at a 20-year low.
“The president’s action in Memphis and what he has talked about in cities — dangerous cities around the country — is not about pushing back against a Dem narrative. It’s not about scoring political points,” said the official, granted anonymity to speak candidly. “It is something he has talked about for many, many years, dating back to when he first ran for president in 2015.”
The official called Memphis “a very dangerous city” adding, “so, of course, having the buy-in of local officials is great.”
On Friday, after Trump derided Memphis as “deeply troubled,” Republican Gov. Bill Lee said he was working with the White House on a plan to combat crime that leverages “the full extent of both federal and state resources.”
“This is politically smart of Trump, insofar as it lets him accomplish two goals at once. First, he gets to take away an opposition talking point — that crime is higher in many cities in red states than in DC or Chicago. He can say ‘Look, I take crime seriously everywhere,’” said Rosa Brooks, a Georgetown University law professor who served as a counselor to the undersecretary of defense for policy under President Barack Obama. “Second, he continues to normalize the once unthinkable use of uniformed military personnel in American cities.”
But even with the state’s Republicans on board, the deployment sets up a clash with local Democratic leaders. Memphis Mayor Paul Young said at a press conference on Friday that he did not request the National Guard, and he doesn’t believe it’s an effective way of driving down crime: “However that decision has been made — my commitment is to make sure strategically that we make sure this happens in a way that truly benefits and strengthens our city.”
Other Tennessee Democrats point to Trump’s military takeover of Memphis as an extension of his policies to stoke racial divisions and to make an example of the perceived ineptitude of cities that have a high number of Black elected officials.
“If he was interested in responding to his base, he would be in Utah,” state Rep. Justin Pearson said. “Immediately after Charlie Kirk is killed there’s a National Guard deployment to one of the Blackest cities in the United States of America?”
Pearson argued sending National Guard troops exposes the incompetence of Republicans who control all levels of power across the state.
“If indeed the problem is so bad here in Memphis, it shows the failure of our Republican-led statehouse and our governor…to do their jobs well,” added Pearson, who was briefly expelled from chamber after protesting in support of gun safety two years ago. “If all the money that is going to be spent on this political charade would instead be given to poor people in our cities and in our communities, we wouldn't have crime problems the way that we do.”
Others say Republicans, who enjoy a governing trifecta and a supermajority in both chambers of the statehouse, have overseen the steady roll back of state and federal resources that could help local officials tamp down on crime. This includes federal gun violence prevention funding that was cut under the Trump administration and the relocation of the FBI’s main field office last October across the state to Nashville during the Biden administration, despite Memphis ranking high on the FBI’s list of violent crimes per capita.
“I'm fearful [of] where this is going, and that we will not get the promise of zero crime,” Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris said at a press conference Friday. “Send FBI agents and law enforcement agents who can get guns off of the street. Don't send armored vehicles.”
Democratic leaders in New York and Illinois are bracing for Trump to follow through on his threats to deploy the Guard in New York City and Chicago. In Chicago, as ICE’s presence has grown in recent weeks, National Guard troops have yet to be deployed. Gov. JB Pritzker believes Trump may yet change his mind ahead of the midterms.
New York Gov. Kathy Hochul has insisted a federal deployment of the Guard is unnecessary given the progress made addressing crime. Hochul deployed the National Guard late last year to New York City’s subways, a move intended to.make New Yorkers feel safer when riding the nation’s largest mass transit system.
New York State Homeland Security and Emergency Services Commissioner Jackie Bray said city officials have been meeting multiple times a week to discuss preparations if Trump directs his attention to New York City next.
“My message as it has been from day one is: ‘We’ve got this,’” Bray said. “The NYPD is the best law enforcement entity in the country. It would be an insult to them if the federal government thinks they can do a better job.”
Nick Reisman and Shia Kapos contributed to this report.
The assassination of Charlie Kirk sparked a cacophony of condemnations and grief from leaders across the political spectrum. But missing from the din was the voice of a unifying political leader calling for calm.
No one appeared well positioned to play the soothing role that has fallen in the past to presidents and the nation’s faith leaders.
“I’m looking, but I can’t claim that I can identify that person,” former Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels told POLITICO.
Daniels, a Republican from a more genteel time in American politics, was not alone in his assessment of the bleak landscape.
Bill Daley, former President Barack Obama’s chief of staff, said in an interview that President Donald Trump “is the only one who can do it, because he represents everyone.”
Rep. Don Bacon, the iconoclastic Nebraska Republican, told a reporter he hoped the president would step up to the challenge, adding, “But he’s a populist, and populists dwell on anger.”
In a video statement recorded from the Oval Office late Wednesday, Trump denounced the violence on a Utah Valley University campus that led to the death of the 31-year-old conservative fixture. The president, who survived two attempts on his own life, spoke of the scourge of “demonizing those with whom you disagree day after day, year after year, in the most hateful and despicable way possible.”
But he also laid blame at the feet of the "radical left," who he said compared Kirk to "Nazis and the world's worst mass murderers and criminals.”
Trump has either actively refused or begrudginly — and then only briefly — embraced the role of consoler- or uniter-in-chief. He has routinely demonized his opponents on social media and threatened to withhold federal dollars from causes with which he ideologically disagrees. His previous rhetoric has included boasting he could stand “in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody” without losing voters and he recently ordered the National Guard to patrol cities whose Democratic leaders he argues let crime get out of control.
For some, Trump himself is part of the problem. As president, he has the power to ease an already tense situation — or inflame it.
“There is a violent undertow, and we have to be very careful about unleashing it,” said William Barber, an influential pastor and civil rights activist who co-chairs the Poor People’s Campaign, which advocates for the nation’s lowest-income residents. It was founded by Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968.
He suggested perhaps one person alone can’t fill the role of cooling the temperature.
“Does the president have a responsibility at this moment? Yes,” Barber added. “But I'm saying that in our history there has never been one person. So it’s the president, pulpits and politicians that hold key leadership positions that must step into this moment.”
Asked whether he could be the country’s lead uniter, a White House spokesperson highlighted the following portion of his Wednesday night remarks: “Tonight, I ask all Americans to commit themselves to the American values for which Charlie Kirk lived and died. The values of free speech, citizenship, the rule of law, and the patriotic devotion and love of God. Charlie was the best of America, and the monster who attacked him was attacking our whole country. An assassin tried to silence him with a bullet, but he failed because together we will ensure that his voice, his message and his legacy will live on for countless generations to come.”
And asked how he would like his supporters to respond to Kirk’s assassination, Trump told a reporter, "He was an advocate of nonviolence. That's the way I like to see people."
But to another question he replied, “We have radical left lunatics out there and we just have to beat the hell out of them.”
Few know how to sew back together a civic fabric that seems irreparably torn.
“There's no one trusted broadly enough to play that role,” said Mike Ricci, former House Speaker Paul Ryan’s communications director. Ricci crafted Ryan’s remarks in the minutes after Rep. Steve Scalise was shot at a congressional baseball game practice in 2017. “And in the absence of that kind of voice, it just leaves people retreating more into their own camps: They're more likely to share what Megyn Kelly says about it than they are the president.”
Trump still has room to seize the mantle, said Ari Fleischer, George W. Bush’s former spokesperson.
Back when the former president climbed a pile of rubble in the wake of Sept. 11, 2001, Fleischer said, “We were still a polarized nation where many Democrats thought George Bush was an illegitimate president because of the Supreme Court ruling in the recount. What changed everything was the fact that America was attacked and our nation rallied."
"I don't agree that it's impossible for leaders to bring people together, because I saw it happen,” he added.
Indeed, FBI Director Kash Patel, a MAGA faithful, attended the anniversary ceremony Thursday alongside New York Gov. Kathy Hochul, an establishment Democrat, in a sign that a few moments and places remain to bridge the partisan divide.
Former presidents looked to offer their own way forward for the nation using the only megaphone they had: social media.
“Violence and vitriol must be purged from the public square,” Bush said in a statement through his presidential center, and Obama posted,“This kind of despicable violence has no place in our democracy.” Former President Bill Clinton vowed to "redouble our efforts to engage in debate passionately, yet peacefully."
But no one can quite find the words — or the credibility or moral authority — to quell the molten anger of this American moment, an anger that shows no signs of receding ahead of the pivotal midterm elections next year.
Trump is as much an ailment to the body politic as he is a symptom. Declining trust in politicians, a fragmented and siloed media, and decades of waning social and religious institutionsare all colliding.
There’s no Rev. Billy Graham to speak to broad swaths of the faithful and call us to Americans’ better angels. The Pope — an American — hasn’t yet addressed Kirk’s death, though U.S. bishops did, urging for a national reckoning that rids “us of senseless violence once and for all.”.
“Billy Graham … spoke as someone who had something to offer to everyone, as opposed to someone who was speaking on behalf of a tribe— and that's what we've lost,” said Michael Wear, Obama’s former faith outreach adviser.
At its core, Wear said, Kirk's assasination — and the lack of a unifying leader to emerge in its aftermath — reveals something about American politics in 2025.
“Politicians used to be valued by their most strident supporters for their ability to speak and persuade others who were not among their core supporters,” he said. “Now, the common definition of a good politician is someone who excels at channeling and mobilizing anger among their core supporters against an enemy.”
Last week, during an event at the National Press Club, Maryland Gov. Wes Moore quoted a common rule for governors: “If you have not faced a tragedy," Moore said, "just give it a second. Yours is on its way.”
Moore’s tragedy was the Key Bridge collapse last year, he said. Utah Gov. Spencer Cox, sitting next to Moore, shook his head and offered his condolences. "I haven't had to face anything quite like that,” Cox noted.
That tragedy for Cox came Wednesday afternoon, when conservative activist Charlie Kirk was fatally shot on the campus of Utah Valley University in Orem, Utah, thrusting Cox’s state into the national spotlight. The Utah governor offered a forceful rebuke Wednesday evening, calling it a “political assassination” and vowing justice against the killer.
But he also made an emotional plea, noting the assassination of a Democratic Minnesota lawmaker and her husband in June and the attempted killings of Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, a Democrat, and President Donald Trump. “Our nation is broken,” he said, pleading that “all of us will try to find a way to stop hating our fellow Americans.”
Cox, the second-term Republican governor of Utah, has made such efforts at depolarization the central theme of his governorship. As chair of the National Governors Association, his initiative — “Disagree Better” — focused on building cross-aisle collaboration with blue states. He partnered with Moore and other Democratic governors on solutions to issues from teenage social media use to housing.
He is so seriously committed to the cause that after the Butler assassination attempt last year, despite years of criticizing Trump, Cox endorsed him — committing to "help (Trump) try to lower the temperature in this country," Cox explained.
The Kirk killing Wednesday, though, posed the largest trial yet for Cox’s vision — and made Cox’s state the epicenter for the political divide he has long warned against.
“It's going to be a challenge, but an important one, to lead out to say, ‘This is not Utah, this is not the Utah way, this is not the American way,’” said Maury Giles, CEO of Braver Angels, a New York-based nonprofit that works to bridge partisan divides.
Wednesday’s shooting occurred as the 31-year-old Kirk addressed thousands of onlookers during the first stop of a planned nationwide tour of college campuses. Kirk, sitting under a tent that read “Prove Me Wrong” and engaging in debate with ideological and political rivals, was shot in the neck midway through the event. The thousands of attendees, including children, fled in horror. Trump announced Kirk’s death later Wednesday afternoon.
In an act of caution, Utah Highway Patrol officials were dispatched to the homes of prominent Utahns in the vicinity, including former Gov. Gary Herbert, who lives near the Orem campus and has an office at the university.
“I think the jarring part was it happened in our own backyard,” Herbert, a Republican, said. “I think we expect more from ourselves than what we saw today.”
“It's clearly not the Utah way,” added Sen. John Curtis (R-Utah) on CNN on Wednesday evening.
The “Utah way,” as Cox frequently puts it, is “disagreeing better, not disagreeing less.”
Cox’s tenure as National Governors Association chair, which ended last year, carried that message to the national stage, where Cox led in forging partnerships with national nonprofits and Democratic statewide leaders.
“I just realized that we can’t solve any of the biggest issues if we all hate each other,” Cox told POLITICO last year. “And I’m deeply concerned about the polarization in our country and our inability, especially in Congress, to work together and solve problems.” To Cox, it is as much a religious effort as a political one: He credits the teachings of Russell M. Nelson, president of Cox’s faith, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, as his inspiration.
Tami Pyfer, co-creator of the Dignity Index, a tool for analyzing the contemptuousness of political rhetoric, said Wednesday’s act of violence was “sickening” and a reminder that her mission is still very much incomplete.
“It's discouraging to look at the work that so many bridge-building organizations are doing across the country, literally hundreds of groups addressing this problem — we’re working our hearts out,” Pyfer said, her voice breaking. “We’re working our hearts out to try to turn a corner on this.”
Pyfer, like Giles, is a Utah resident, and has worked closely with Cox on depolarization efforts. Both applauded Cox’s speech Wednesday night, as did Scott Howell, a former Democratic state senator and Utah minority leader.
"Spencer really did hit the point,” Howell said. “It would have been so easy for him to have said, ‘Democrats are the dregs of the earth’ or whatever. I give him big kudos. I really do.”
Cox’s message was one of peacemaking. “If anyone in the sound of my voice celebrated, even a little bit, at the news of the shooting, I would beg you to look in the mirror and to see if you can find a better angel in there somewhere,” Cox said Wednesday.
“I don’t care what his politics are,” Cox added about Kirk. “I care that he was an American.”
Herbert — who said Cox’s speech was “outstanding, considering the circumstances” — said his former lieutenant governor’s biggest challenge lies ahead.
“The question, ultimately, is how effective is what we say?” Herbert said. “How does it impact what we do?”
Politicians react to Charlie Kirk's death
https://www.politico.com/video/2025/09/10/politicians-react-to-charlie-kirks-death-1735613
House committee holds moment of silence for Charlie Kirk
Die gar nicht so dunklen Abgründe
Segeln wir in die Dunkelheit menschlicher Abgründe? Nein. Wir segeln in Abgründe, aber diese Abgründe sind gleißend hell. Man muss nur das Licht anknipsen im Horror-Express, den man in die hinterste Ecke des Kellers verbannt hat. Das Schild darauf lautet "1933 bis 1945". Davor lehnt ein Banner: "Nie wieder Krieg, nie wieder Faschismus!" Niemand wäre auf die Idee gekommen zu sagen: "Ihr müsst wieder Krieg führen, wenn ihr die Wiederholung des Faschismus verhindern wollt. Denn die Geister aus dieser Geisterbahn leben noch. Und sie haben sich erneut materialisiert! Erschreckenderweise vor allem in den Nachkommen der Opfer von damals. In Russen und Israelis und sie nutzen diesen nach mindestens zwei Generationen verjährten Opferstatus um sich nicht nur in einen Mantel der Unangreifbarkeit zu hüllen, sondern sogar um Hilfe zu erheischen bei ihren Verbrechen. Doch damit nicht genug. Sie haben einen dritten im Bunde gefunden. Den führenden Mitstreiter gegen die Verbrechen von damals: Die USA.
Und es ist so, als hätten sie alle aus den Verbrechen von damals gelernt. Nicht etwa wie man verhindert, dass sie erneut begangen werden. Nein, man hat gelernt, sie auf die heutige Zeit anzuwenden. Alles worüber sie selbst in Nürnberg zu Gericht saßen. Verbrechen gegen den Frieden, Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit.
Man kann Adornos "Es gibt kein richtiges Leben im falschen" auch darauf herunterbrechen, dass Unrecht nie Unrecht legitimieren kann. Verbrechen keine Verbrechen. Schon gar nicht, wenn sich die neuen Verbrechen nicht als Rache gegen die Täter von damals richten, sondern gegen Dritte. Bestenfalls wird dieser Zusammenhang fadenscheinig konstruiert. So wie die angeblich von Nazis beherrschte Ukraine. Da ist man dann ganz schnell im Bereich der Spiegelung, die kein Land so beherrscht und nutzt wie die Sowjetunion und ihr selbsternannter Rechtsnachfolger Russland. Vom Kreml und seinen nationalen und internationalen Propagandaoutlets werden in den politischen oder militärischen Gegner so zuverlässig eigene Motive, Absichten und Taten hineinprojiziert, vom Kindermord bis zum Atomprogramm, dass man im Umkehrschluss genau bestimmen kann, was die russische Führung getan hat, tut oder beabsichtigt zu tun.
Und alle drei Staaten haben eine herausragende imperialistische Tradition. "The land of the free", das gerade die Freiheitsstatue, die alle Verfolgten strahlend empfing, nach El Salvador deportiert, wurde auf den Leichen von Millionen Indianern errichtet, denen man das Land raubte, das man anderen großherzig anbot. Und die weltweite Verteidigung von Freiheit und Demokratie ging nicht selten mit Eigennutz und Diktatorenunterstützung einher. Und die russiche Geschichte, von der Kiewer Rus bis zu einem Reich, das nicht nur Teile Europas, sondern den halben asiatischen Kontinent einnimmt, ist nicht weniger blutbesudelt. Und Israel? Vor rund 3300 Jahren wurde Kanaan blutigst von den Israeliten erobert. Vor rund 2700 Jahren wurden sie dort wieder vertrieben. Als Juden begannen in größeren Zahlen in Palästina einzuwandern und dort schließlich einen Staat gründen wollten, lebten dort ungefähr dreißigmal so viele arabische Bewohner wie jüdische. Was gibt es für eine Rechtfertigung, nach 3000 Jahren wieder Anspruch auf ein Land zu erheben?! Man muss die Manifestation der Masseneinwanderung und Landnahme wohl rechtlich akzeptieren, soweit sie von der UN unter dem Eindruck des Holocausts als Staatsgründung besiegelt wurde. Eine moralische Legitimation kann aber weder der Glaube sein, Anspruch auf das Land zu haben, noch eine vorangegangene Eroberung, noch der überlebte Genozid. Im Gegenzug hätte Israel zumindest auch einen Palästinenserstaat zu akzeptieren. Aktuell kann man allerdings auch dort von einer Spiegelung reden. Das was Israel jahrzehntelang dem Iran und seinen Terrortruppen vorgeworfen hat, nämlich eine eliminatorische Politik, betreibt jetzt Israel. Netanjahus Minister Smotrich hat es wörtlich genauso formuliert: Israelische Souveräntität "from the river to the sea". Ein Echo der palästinensischen Forderung, die in Deutschland unter Strafe steht.
Niemand ist ein besserer Mensch, weil er Deutscher oder Amerikaner ist, Muslim oder Jude oder gar einer herbeifantasierten Rasse angehört. Wir sind bessere Menschen, wenn wir uns an ethische Grundsätze halten. Und die Grenzen dieses Verhaltens verlaufen nie entlang von Grenzen, sondern quer durch Staaten und Völker. Auch wenn das unethische Verhalten von Staaten phasenweise institutionalisiert wird. Der Anspruch auf ethisches Verhalten hat allen Menschen und allen Staaten zu gelten. Ohne Ausnahme!
Doch zurück zum Horrorexpress. Seine Stationen heißen nicht nur Machtergreifung, Kristallnacht, Mauthausen, Auschwitz, Einmarsch in Polen und Einmarsch in Russland.
Seine Stationen heißen unter anderem Entlassung jüdischer Beamter, Entzug der Zulassung jüdischer Rechtanwälte, Ausschluss jüdischer Sportler aus Vereinen, Verlust ärztlicher Zulassungen, Widerruf von Einbürgerungen, Auftrittsverbot jüdischer Künstler, Prüfungsausschluss jüdischer Studenten, Ausschluss jüdischer Journalisten, Ausschluss aus betrieblichen Führungspositionen, Rassegesetze, Entzug des Erbrechts, Vermögensanmeldungen, Kennkarte J, Umbenennung von jüdischen Straßennahmen, "Sühneleistung" für Pogrome, Gewerbeverbot, temporäres Aufenthaltsverbot im öffentlichen Raum, Zwangsverkauf von Gewerbebetrieben, Entzug von Führerscheinen, Berufsverbot für Ärzte, Radioverbot, Kündigung der Telefonanschlüsse, Büchereiverbot, Judensternpflicht, Ausreiseverbot, Aberkennung der Staatsbürgerschaft, erste Deportationen. Das alles passierte lange vor der Wannseekonferenz. Und Vergleichbares lesen, hören und sehen wir heute, bezogen auf Ukrainer:innen, aus dem Donbass, aber vor allem täglich aus den USA. Bezogen auf Migranten, Greencard-Besitzer, Schwarze, Muslime, LGBTIs oder Frauen: Entlassungen aus Führungspositionen und Behörden, Ausschluss aus Sportvereinen, Ausschluss vom Militärdienst, Entfernung aus Gedenk- und Erinnerungsstätten und Archiven, Ausschluss aus der Sozialversicherung, Entzug des Aufenthaltsrechts, Entzug der Staatsbürgerschaft, Deportation von Staatsbürgern, die falsche Gesinnung reicht für die Deportation, Verhaftungen und Deportationen im Gestapo-Stil, "Säuberung" von Bibliotheken, Ignorieren von Gerichtsurteilen, Angriffe auf nicht genehme Justiz und Angriffe auf und Ausschluss und Gleichschaltung von Medien.
Das Bedrohlichste dabei: Die Externalisierung der Deportationen. An Privatunternehmen wie Blackwater und in andere Staaten, die nicht unter die nationale Jurisdiktion fallen. So wie die Vernichtungslager des Hitler-Regimes in Polen. Und das lässt Schlimmstes befürchten! Es ist eine Milchmädchenrechnung, dass ein Regime, dass in wenigen Wochen alle staatlichen Ausgaben gen Null fährt, während es sich selbst die Taschen vollstopft, nicht lange für die Unterbringung Hunderttausender bezahlen wird. Man wir sie umbringen lassen! Erst werden ein paar verlorengehen in der Bürokratie und wenn man sich daran gewöhnt hat, werden es beständig mehr werden. Und ich wage noch eine Prognose: Ein gemeinsamer Krieg Israels und der USA gegen den Iran ist eine beschlossene Sache. Verhandlungen werden nur noch alibimäßig geführt.
Genauso wie G. W. Bush noch mit dem Irak verhandeln ließ, als der Krieg schon längst beschlossen war. Für Typen wie Trump, Musk, Putin und Netanjahu ist ein Menschenleben weniger wert als ein Fliegenschiss. Wie ein Psychologe bei den Nürnberger Prozessen sagte: Faschismus ist letztlich nichts anderes als das völlige Fehlen von Empathie. Hannah Arendt stellte fest: Das Böse ist banal. Und Hannah Arendt lieferte auch die Erklärung, warum dieses empathiebefreite Böse so erfolgreich ist: "Der ideale Untertan totalitärer Herrschaft ist nicht der überzeugte Nazi oder engagierte Kommunist, sondern Menschen, für die der Unterschied zwischen Fakten und Fiktion, wahr und falsch, nicht länger existiert." Und das ist genau die Sorte Menschen, die heute wieder regemäßig trommelnd und trompetend durch österreichische und sächsische Kleinstädte ziehen. Erst gegen die "Coronadiktatur", dann für mehr CO2 zum Wohle der Wälder und jetzt für "Frieden mit Russland".
Bürgerkrieg oder Militärputsch?
Wissenschaftler verlassen die USA wegen Trump: „Es wird zu einem Bürgerkrieg kommen“
Drei prominente Forscher kehren den USA den Rücken und wandern nach Kanada aus. Sie stufen das Land als faschistisch ein und warnen vor Zensur.www.fr.de
Stalin und Mao wären begeistert!
Trump's new loyalty test: "golden Trump bust lapel pins" - Boing Boing
Members of Trump's cabinet, as well as Congresspeople and Senators, are being instructed to wear a tribute to their inglorious, convicted felon leader.Jason Weisberger (Happy Mutants, LLC.)
Elektro - Steyr Traktor 💚
Der Stromtraktor aus dem Burgenland
Heinz Schrödl hat den legendären 15er Steyr zerlegt und völlig neu zusammengebaut: mit Elektroantrieb und einem Drehmoment, dass die Reifen durchdrehenDER STANDARD
N. E. Felibata 👽 mag das.
Trumps neue Zölle
@Easydor
ja, ich hatte auf einer schrappeligen Website eine unglückliche Erklärung zu folgendem Phänomen gelesen: "Personen, die noch keine Varizellen durchgemacht haben und nicht gegen Varizellen geimpft sind, können durch Kontakt mit der Flüssigkeit an Windpocken erkranken." (RKI) Also: man kann auch Windpocken davon kriegen.
Übrigens hatte eine Freundin Gürtelrose, das war ziemlich schmerzhaft. Ich überlege, mich impfen zu lassen.
nein, die aus den Herpes Zoster-Bläschen, also: jemand, der sich damit bei einer Gürtelrose ansteckt und noch keine Windpocken gehabt hat, bekommt dann Windpocken
Thema Ausländerkriminalität
Statistik zeigt verzerrtes Bild: Sind Ausländer wirklich krimineller als Deutsche?
Seit Jahren sind Nichtdeutsche in der Kriminalstatistik überrepräsentiert. Das heißt jedoch nicht, dass sie mehr Straftaten begehen als Deutsche. "Die Ergebnisse sind verzerrt", sagt Kriminologin Susann Prätor und erklärt, woran das liegt.n-tv NACHRICHTEN
Die längste Rede im US-Senat
The New York Times (@nytimes.com)
Senator Cory Booker, his voice still booming after more than a day spent on the Senate floor railing against the Trump administration, surpassed Strom Thurmond for the longest Senate speech on record, in an act of astonishing stamina that he framed a…Bluesky Social
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Kanalmatrose
Als Antwort auf Deutschlandfunk (inoffiziell) • • •