Haecksen-Konferenz: „Bislang fehlte eine Diskussion über Utopien“
Anfang Juli fand in Hamburg die erstenetzpolitik.org
Rep. Nancy Mace on Monday officially launched her bid for governor of South Carolina, joining a competitive GOP primary to follow term-limited Gov. Henry McMaster.
“She’s a fighter, I know about that,” President Donald Trump said in a clip added to her campaign launch video.
Mace (R-S.C.), who has branded herself as a protector of women’s rights, will face Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette, state Attorney General Alan Wilson and Rep. Ralph Norman in the primary.
Stefan H., born at 322 ppmv mag das.
New York Rep. Ritchie Torres — one of the Democratic Party’s most ardent Zionists — has begun questioning Israel as recent images of starving Palestinian children shock leaders across the world.
Torres’ shift is slight and nuanced. Yet coming from such a vocal defender of Israel, it signifies how moderate Democrats are backing away from the unqualified support for the Jewish state that’s underscored the party for decades. And it comes as countries around the globe are reacting in horror at the famine gripping the region and reports of thousands of children dying of starvation as the Israeli military continues its offensive following Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack.
“All parties, including the U.S. and Israel, have a moral obligation to do everything in our power to ease the hardship and hunger that’s taken hold in the Gaza Strip,” Torres said in an interview last week.
He insisted his longheld defense of Israel still stands. “I feel it’s possible to be an unapologetic Zionist while at the same time recognizing there’s a crisis in Gaza and recognizing the war has poorly defined strategic objectives,” he said.
Torres is not alone in his remarks.
Throughout the country, moderate Democrats, who have long resisted pressure to reject Zionism on their left flank, are increasingly speaking out against Israel’s actions in Gaza as they react to anger among constituents ahead of the midterms next year. It’s a shift in attitude percolating from the halls of Congress to governor’s mansions. How Democrats speak about Israel is bound to be a litmus test in battleground Democratic primaries next year as the party fights to retake control of the House and pick up several Senate seats.
In recent days, a majority of Democratic senators voted for a resolution to bar the sale of assault rifles to Israeli police, a marked change in the party since the start of the military conflict. Their unprecedented rebuke comes as polling shows slipping support for Israel among Democratic voters, signaling the prolonged war has potentially caused permanent damage to the country’s relationship with the Democratic Party. And on Sunday, Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) said “what's happening now isn't working.”
It’s a dynamic that’s also emerging on the right, as the most isolationist voices in MAGA are more forcefully condemning Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the escalating humanitarian crisis in the region.
“The facts on the ground are that militarily, they have significant tactical advantages and are sufficient enough to be able to effectively deliver food. So the question arises, why can't you get food in there and health care services and basically follow humanitarian laws,” said Rhode Island Sen. Jack Reed, who joined 11 new Democrats in voting for the resolution from Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) after opposing two versions only supported by a handful of progressives.
Another resolution to block the sale of heavy-grade munitions earned the support of 24 Democrats, though it failed. All Republicans opposed both resolutions brought to the floor Wednesday – but Sanders hinted GOP support may come as public opinion moves further against Netanyahu
“You're going to see fairly soon, a number of Republicans beginning to understand that their constituents don't want taxpayer dollars to go to an Israeli government starving children,” Sanders said.
In the interview, Torres said “all parties, including the U.S. and Israel, have a moral obligation to do everything in our power to ease the hardship and hunger that’s taken hold in the Gaza Strip.”
Torres has also tried to keep attention on the Israeli hostages held by Hamas. “The world’s silence about the deliberate starvation of Israeli hostages—at the hands of Hamas and Islamic Jihad — is as deafening as its hypocrisy,” he posted on X on Saturday. “Expect the images of emaciated Israeli bodies, starved in captivity, to appear nowhere in the pages of most major American newspapers.”
Pro-Israel donors and operatives defended Torres, with three people expressing appreciation for his continued support for Israel, while one person — who was not authorized to speak on the record — voiced concern with the frequency of his messages on social media.
“It’s precisely because Congressman Torres has been so proactive about calling out antisemitism that masquerades as antizionism that when he has constructive advice about Israel it’s listened to in a way that a statement from the member of congress who reps an adjacent district isn’t,” Stu Loeser — a New York-based consultant who represents Mike Bloomberg and a host of pro-Israel donors — said in reference to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
On the GOP side, U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene became the first Republican in Congress to describe the situation in Gaza, where more than 60,000 Palestinians have died in the conflict, a “genocide.” Prominent MAGA media figure Tucker Carlson hosted retired Green Beret Lt. Col. Tony Aguilar, who said he witnessed war crimes while working at Gaza food sites, on his show last week.
And even President Donald Trump, who has closely aligned himself with Netanyahu, implied that Israel bore primary responsibility for the situation in Gaza. A few days later, he reversed course, calling for Hamas to surrender and release hostages – deeming it “the fastest way” to end the humanitarian crisis.
“Everybody, left, right and center should react viscerally against starvation imposed by another government,” said Hawaii Sen. Brian Schatz, a Democrat. “Whatever one's views about this war, this is beyond the pale and unacceptable, and it does nothing to make Israel safe, or Israelis safe, or Jews safe.
Hardline Israel supporter Sen. John Fetterman said Thursday he viewed the resolutions – which he opposed – as his fellow Democrats blaming Israel for the circumstances, while he blamed on Hamas and Iran. “And that explains my vote, and my ongoing support. And that's not going to change,” he said. The Pennsylvania Democrat said he’s seen the photos of starving children circulating online, but that, “no one ever declared that it was an actual famine, to be clear.”
Some former Biden administration officials argue Netanyahu’s actions, rather than the political winds, are driving this change. They blame Netanyahu for hurting Israel’s credibility with Democrats in the United States given his aggressive military action. Former President Joe Biden, a self-described Zionist, repeatedly called for a ceasefire between Israel and Palestine, but didn’t heed calls from the left for an arms embargo.
“Yes, the political incentives for Democrats are shifting, but even more powerful for many Democrats is the recognition that a blank check approach to Israel, especially with this Israeli government, is fundamentally in contravention to our interests and values,” said Ned Price, who served as State Department spokesperson and deputy to the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations during the Biden administration. “Bibi's prosecution of this war has, I think, made this shift in many ways irreversible.”
A former Biden administration official, granted anonymity to speak freely about the political stakes, said a majority of Democratic senators voting to block weapons sales to Israel was unimaginable “even a few months ago” and speaks to "how badly Netanyahu has played this." But the official cautioned this crisis is not as politically charged as was the Iraq War for many Democratic voters.
A Gallup poll released this week found approval of Israel’s military actions in Gaza had dropped to 8 percent among Democrats, the lowest rating to date. In contrast, 71 percent of Republicans said they approve of Israel’s military force in Gaza, up from 66 percent in September.
Changing public opinion on Gaza is most striking in New York, where Democratic primary voters nominated Zohran Mamdani for mayor despite millions of dollars spent attacking him for his anti-Israel posture in a heavily Jewish city. A vast majority believe Israel is committing genocide in Gaza.
Torres noted that “if there is an erosion of support for Israel in the United States, that’s not something the Israeli government should take lightly.”
Chris Coffey, a New York-based consultant and longtime Torres ally said the deepening split between the left and moderate factions of the Democratic party can be attributed to images of starving children, and criticism of Israel’s military action “was a minority view now feels like the majority view in the Democratic party.”
“When (people like) Richie Torres, who is arguably the most pro-Israel Democrat in the country and certainly in New York, are asking tough questions then it’s going to cause there to be some reflection and some ripples,” he said. “It’s going to force people to ask tough questions.”
Eric Bazail-Eimil and Joe Gould contributed reporting.
Many Democrats are betting on a blue wave next year to help them regain favor with disenchanted voters and claw back some control in Washington — but several key indicators are turning into warning signs instead.
Recent polling shows Democrats are still struggling to regain their footing with voters who lurched right in 2024, and that’s compounded by growing gaps in fundraising, an increasing number of messy primaries and a congressional map that Republicans are redrawing to make it harder for Democrats to win.
“I don’t see a blue wave,” said Matt Taglia, the senior director of Emerson College polling, a non-partisan group that routinely administers political opinion surveys. “It’s more like a blue trickle.”
Still, as Democrats go on offense during the August recess, they are trying to juice up a blue wave by stoking backlash to the policies enacted under a Republican trifecta. They've tried rolling out a variety of playbooks already, on President Donald Trump’s handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files, tariffs and economic woes that could come from the megabill.
Democrats are placing so much stock in a wave midterm election partly because it could help them stymie Republicans in Congress and chart a path into the 2028 presidential election and beyond. Some Democrats acknowledge the party doesn’t yet have the momentum it needs to gin up a blue wave, but they say they’re confident it’ll come by early 2026.
“There's a lot of angst about the Democratic Party writ large. I totally hear that. But you have evidence of people on the Democratic side pretty motivated to come out and vote,” said Neera Tanden, the president and CEO of the left-leaning think tank Center for American Progress who served as former President Joe Biden’s domestic policy advisor. “I think the midterm election will be about who is angrier.”
And Courtney Rice, a spokesperson for the party’s House campaign arm, Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, emphasized the resolve to create a wave election next year: “It’s clear that Democrats are on a path back to the House majority come 2026.”
Republicans reject the idea that Democrats can overcome their hurdles by 2026.
“Vulnerable House Democrats are sitting on our turf,” said Mike Marinella, a spokesperson for the National Republican Congressional Committee. “They’re getting blown out of the water in the money race, they’re eating their own in messy primaries, the Democrat Party’s approval ratings are at rock bottom, they are consistently on the wrong side of wildly popular issues, and they’ve completely lost touch with hardworking Americans.”
Here’s a look at the headwinds that could put the legitimacy of the blue wave in question.
The polls don't yet look good for Democrats
Even as Trump's approval has tanked, about 63 percent of voters hold negative views of Democrats, marking a three-decade nadir for the party, according to a recent poll released by The Wall Street Journal. And Democrats’ projected wins are modest: Separate polls conducted by Emerson Collegeand YouGovshow that in a generic matchup between the parties, they are ahead by just 2 percentage points.
That suggests Democrats are having trouble capitalizing on what they say is Republicans’ shaky handling of economic and foreign policy.
Around this time in 2017 — ahead of Democrats’ monster 2018 blue wave year in which they gained a net of 41 House seats — Democrats were up about 6 percentage points in the generic ballot, noted Taglia, the Emerson pollster.
That doesn’t mean the blue wave dream is dead. Election Day is still 15 months away, and that same Emerson poll shows about a quarter of voters are currently undecided on the congressional ballot. Americans could start feeling the impacts of the megabill and other marquee policies like mass deportations well into campaign season, which could offer Democrats an opportunity to win back some voters who swung right in 2024.
“If we get to March of next year and we still see Democrats at 2 or 3 points up in the generic ballot, that is alarm bells for them,” Taglia said. “They’re going to want to be at least 4 points up. For their ideal result, probably more like 6 points … Then you’re starting to look a little bit like a blue wave.”
Redistricting could bite into Democrats' opportunities
Texas Republicans unveiled a new congressional map Wednesday that, if enacted, would carve out five additional red-leaning districts. Those efforts, done at the behest of Trump, could throw a monkeywrench in Democrats’ plans to reclaim the House.
Now Democrats are trying to reforge relationships with voters in four newly created majority-Hispanic districts in Texas who swung right in 2024.
“Donald Trump and Texas Republicans are playing a dangerous game, and we're ready to defeat now-vulnerable Republicans next November,” said CJ Warnke, a spokesperson for House Majority PAC, Democrats’ top House super PAC. “We’re bringing the full weight of our operation to the Lone Star State to make this backroom deal backfire and take back the House in 2026.”
Republicans also hope to squeeze out a few more red districts in other states. Control of the House hinges on razor-thin majorities, and those redistricting efforts alone could significantly stymie Democrats’ ability to retake the chamber.
Some Democratic governors, including California’s Gavin Newsom and New York’s Kathy Hochul, have threatened retaliatory gerrymandering crusades ahead of midterms, though it’s unclear how feasible these efforts will be because those states have ceded redistricting power to independent commissions, unlike Texas. Those states would have to rely on voter referenda or court orders to claw back this power, and they only have until early 2026 to pull it off.
Tanden says she’s optimistic California can counter Texas’s gerrymandering by 2026. “If someone was like, ‘while Trump is president we’re going to get rid of the commission,’ people would be down with that.”
Democrats are facing down messy primaries
House Democrats are facing crowded primaries across the map.
Some in the party worry that months of fighting over intraparty tactics or thorny issues like Israel's war in Gaza could splinter voters and drain resources that could be used in the general election.
Democratic infighting over the idea of challenging incumbents has roiled the Democratic National Committee, where former Vice Chair David Hogg lost his position amid consternation over his plan to primary "asleep at the wheel" Democrats.
Democratic leaders have begun to worry that contentious primaries could derail the party’s path to retake the House, and House Majority PAC has threatened to intervene in primaries if it sees it as necessary to reclaim the House.
Republicans, meanwhile, have tried to clear their fields. Trump asked a number of ambitious Republicans to stand down last month rather than risk months of infighting, and Senate Majority Leader John Thune said he’s prepared to intervene in primaries that could produce nominees who would likely lose in November.
But Democratic strategists who spoke with POLITICO insist these races can also energize their voting base ahead of general elections against Republicans.
Julian Mulvey, a Democratic media consultant, said the busy primaries could help Democrats sharpen their knives before the general election. “You may think that you’re saving energy, resources, but if you’re not putting forward your best fighters and they’re not able to sharpen up their attacks, sharpen up their defenses, you’re not actually helping Democrats,” he said.
Others say Democratic primaries this cycle aren’t shaping up to be the kind of ideological clashes that can leave voters feeling burned heading into the general election. There aren’t many candidates who stand far from their median voters and would put the party at risk of losing a seat, said Ian Russell, a Democratic strategist: “It means you don’t have a bunch of wounds that need to be healed in the party.”
Democratic fundraising is still lackluster
Republicans have generally raised more money than Democrats this year, particularly in the House battlegrounds.
In campaign finance reports filed Thursday, Congressional Leadership Fund, the top House GOP super PAC, revealed it had raised over $32.7 millionin the first six months of the year — about $11.5 million more than its Democratic rival, House Majority PAC.
It’s a reflection of the shaky relationship between Democrats and donors who have become rancorous over infighting among party leadership and discordant messaging. And it’s turned the fundraising narrative upside-down: House Democrats have usually crushed Republicans in the money race because of strong online fundraising.
Democrats insist they can catch up by early next year because the GOP front-loaded fundraising through joint fundraising committees that pool funds for dozens of members. Because those groups tend to rely on large national donors, that rate of fundraising may be less sustainable for individual candidates.
For DCCC-targeted House Republicans, about 30 percent of fundraising in the first half of the year came through joint fundraising committees, compared to just four percent for NRCC-targeted House Democrats, according to a POLITICO analysis.
Tanden is hopeful there “will be a fair amount of resources for Democratic units,” and pointed to Roy Cooper’s recently announced bid for North Carolina Senate, which broke fundraising records in its first 24 hours.
Warnke, the House Majority PAC spokesperson, said money cannot overcome negative optics from GOP policies.
Republicans’ “tariffs are raising prices on American families, and they are hiding from their constituents because of their deeply toxic budget,” he said. “No amount of money will salvage their chances at reelection.”
Jessica Piper contributed to this report.
Ukraine News: Neuer Schmiergeld-Skandal in der Ukraine aufgedeckt
In der Ukraine haben Antikorruptionskämpfer einen neuen Schmiergeld-Skandal bei der Beschaffung von Waffen für die Front aufgedeckt.Julia Bergmann (Süddeutsche Zeitung)
Schweres Erdbeben vor Russlands Ostküste: Tsunami-Gefahr und mehrere Verletzte
Küstenbewohner in Russland, Japan und auf US-Gebiet sind zur Vorsicht aufgerufen. Auch Flutwellen in Südamerika sind möglich.Patrick Wehner (Süddeutsche Zeitung)
Bergunfall von Laura Dahlmeier: Schwierige Bedingungen – Kletterer und Bergträger versuchen Rettung
Die Biathlon-Olympiasiegerin ist in hohem Gebirge von einem Steinschlag getroffen worden. Bislang konnten keine Retter zu ihr vordringen.Süddeutsche Zeitung
Benjamin Held mag das.
Deutsche Wirtschaft schrumpft dieses Jahr wieder - auch wegen Trumps Zöllen
Donald Trumps Zölle dürften dafür sorgen, dass sich die deutsche Wirtschaft 2025 schlecht entwickelt. Wann es besser werden könnte.Alexander Hagelüken (Süddeutsche Zeitung)
Rep. Sarah McBride (D-Del.) is the first out transgender member of Congress. Within days of her election this past November, she faced backlash from certain members of the Republican Party. Nevertheless, McBride has continued to find ways to forge ties across the aisle.
In a conversation with POLITICO’s Dasha Burns, Rep. McBride discusses her hope to bring “a sense of kindness and grace” to Congress despite the “reality TV show nature” of today’s politics. The two also discuss the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza, how the Democratic Party can rebuild its coalition without “reinforcing right-wing framing” over culture war issues and why her pursuit of bipartisan legislation is in part a direct response to President Trump.
“If we can't figure out how to solve problems across our political divide,” she tells Burns, “then I believe Trumpism only grows and worsens in this country.”
Plus, White House reporter Myah Ward on Trump’s trip to Scotland and what it revealed about the working relationship between the president and European leaders.
Listen and subscribe to The Conversation with Dasha Burns on YouTube, Apple Podcasts, Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts.
Rep. Sarah McBride won’t be baited by GOP ‘provocateurs’ | The Conversation
Friedenspreis des Deutschen Buchhandels für Historiker Karl Schlögel
Der Osteuropa-Experte sagt: Die Unterstützung der Ukraine sei „der beste Weg, um den Frieden in Europa zu sichern“.Philipp Saul (Süddeutsche Zeitung)
US-Präsident Trump trifft britischen Premier Starmer in Schottland
Nach dem Handelsdeal mit der EU könnte der US-Präsident auch ein Abkommen mit Großbritannien finalisieren.Kassian Stroh (Süddeutsche Zeitung)
Tödliches Zugunglück bei Riedlingen: Polizei nennt Gründe, warum der Zug entgleist ist
Weil ein Zug in Oberschwaben entgleist, kommen mehrere Menschen ums Leben, mindestens 41 werden verletzt. Kurz zuvor gab es ein Unwetter.Juri Auel (Süddeutsche Zeitung)
Laut US-Präsident Trump soll in Zukunft ein Zollsatz von 15 Prozent für Waren-Importe aus der EU in die USA gelten. EU-Kommissionspräsidentin Ursula von der Leyen spricht von Planungssicherheit.
Details zum Deal wurden zunächst nicht bekannt. Schon vorab war allerdings klar, dass Einfuhren aus der EU in die USA künftig mit deutlich höheren Zöllen belastet werden als noch vor dem Beginn der zweiten Amtszeit von Trump.#KonsumundHandel #Zölle #DonaldTrump #USA #EuropäischeUnion #UrsulavonderLeyen #Wirtschaft #Handelspolitik #Ausland #EU #Leserdiskussion #SüddeutscheZeitung
Several Democrats are already laying the groundwork for potential 2028 presidential runs, new campaign finance filings show, recruiting donors and running online ads that build their national profiles.
Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg led the way among Democrats talked about as presidential contenders with $1.6 million raised for his leadership PAC in the first half of the year, and a few Democratic governors raising hundreds of thousands of dollars each.
Together, they have already raised and spent millions of dollars this year, according to disclosures filed Thursday with the Federal Election Commission. The bulk of the money was spent on fundraising activities, including acquiring donor lists and running digital ads, that would facilitate a presidential run.
“If you're thinking about running for president in 2028, job number one is being seen doing everything you can to help Democrats win in 2026, which raising money for your leadership PAC allows you to do — to travel, to test out messages, to make contributions to other candidates, to build your online following,” said Pete Giangreco, a longtime Democratic consultant who worked on Barack Obama’s presidential campaigns. “Investing in your leadership PAC money now is critical because you have to build your fundraising operation now.”
While official campaign launches are likely to come after the 2026 midterms, several rumored White House contenders have leadership PACs, which allow them to raise and spend money not tied to a particular election. The PACs linked to these potential candidates largely focused on growing their digital presences over the first half of the year, the filings show, with governors who have less of a national profile running ads online nationally and spending money to build fundraising infrastructure.
Buttigieg and Govs. Andy Beshear of Kentucky and Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan spent to acquire donor lists — a top expense for their leadership PACs. Beshear recently stumped in the early voting state of South Carolina; Whitmer appears less likely to mount a presidential bid.
List-building signals candidates’ ambitions for higher office, particularly with online fundraising a key pillar of successful Democratic campaigns over the past decade. By purchasing or renting Democratic donors’ contact information, candidates can more effectively target potential supporters, introduce themselves to a national audience and convert some of those donors into their own.
“You want to build up a strong email and text list for a few reasons — it'll increase your name ID, you can raise money for other candidates, and then raise money for yourself,” said Mike Nellis, a Democratic digital consultant. “If you're not spending money on growing the biggest possible audience for yourself right now, then you're being foolish. Frankly, all of them could be spending more money on it.”
Leadership PACs also allow political figures in blue states to steer money to competitive races, including by directly donating to vulnerable candidates or state parties, or by fundraising on their behalf. California Gov. Gavin Newsom, for example, has long tapped his extensive email and text lists to raise money for other candidates. Such efforts help blue-state Democrats build relationships across the country and engender goodwill within the party.
The PACs also run ads aimed at recruiting online backers. Newsom’s leadership PAC, Campaign for Democracy, invested another $1.5 million in digital ads in late June, according to its filing. The PAC, which launched in 2023 with a major transfer from Newsom’s gubernatorial campaign, reported $4.4 million cash on hand at the end of June.
Digital advertising helps candidates expand their name recognition and recruit donors outside their home states.
“It’s the small donations from folks like you that have the greatest impact,” read one ad that Beshear’s PAC, In This Together, ran on Facebook in June. “Your support helps us do what matters most: elect decent, compassionate leaders in Kentucky and nationwide.”
Beshear’s group, which has $496,000 cash on hand, spent $30,000 on digital advertising through the end of June, according to its FEC report.
While Beshear’s PAC has run Facebook ads that predominantly target his home state of Kentucky , it has also reached an audience across the country, according to data from Meta’s digital ad library. Similarly, Facebook ads from Whitmer’s group, Fight Like Hell PAC, have predominantly targeted Michigan users — but with some national promotion, too. Hers has $2.6 million cash on hand.
Both their PAC filings reflected their home-state advantage. Among itemized donors, those giving at least $200, each got more funds from their home states than any other — despite neither Kentucky nor Michigan being hotbeds of Democratic giving.
Buttigieg’s Win the Era PAC, which was largely dormant while he served in former President Joe Biden’s cabinet, also began spending on Facebook ads in July, according to the platform. It was the first time Buttigieg had run ads on his personal page since the former South Bend mayor ended his presidential campaign in 2020.
“While my name won’t be on a ballot in 2026, I am committed to doing the work that must be done to rebuild trust in our system: supporting emerging leaders, showing up in communities we too often ignore, and helping win more elections,” read one recent ad from Buttigieg on the platform.
A person close to Buttigieg said the former secretary will continue traveling to support Democrats in 2026 and host more of his own town halls , as he did in Iowa this spring. Buttigieg, who is not in elected office, employs a small staff through his PAC, which has $2.4 million on hand.
Amanda Stitt, who led Whitmer’s 2022 campaign, said in a statement that the governor “is hard at work serving her constituents, helping to lower their costs, grow jobs, and protect their freedoms. She’s proud to support candidates throughout the country with the same goals, especially in the toughest districts like the ones she won in Michigan.”
Representatives for Beshear and Newsom declined to comment.
Leadership PACs have also covered travel and other expenses to help candidates set up 2028 bids. Beshear’s group, for example, spent $18,000 on polling in March and April.
Not all potential 2028 candidates are raising money federally right now — Govs. Josh Shapiro of Pennsylvania and Wes Moore of Maryland, both of whom are seeking reelection next year, do not have federal leadership PACs. And billionaire Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker is funding an advocacy group set up as a 501(c)(4) nonprofit that does not face stringent campaign finance reporting requirements.
McBride calls for responding to 'Trumpism' with bipartisanship | The Conversation
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MADISON, Wisconsin — A group of Democratic governors is urging its colleagues to get tough in countering Republican-backed efforts to gerrymander Texas’ congressional districts.
“It's incumbent upon Democrat governors, if they have the opportunity, to respond in kind,” outgoing Kansas Gov. Laura Kelly told reporters at a Democratic Governors Association meeting Friday. “I'm not a big believer in unilateral disarmament.”
The advice from Kelly, who chairs the DGA, came two days after Texas Republicans proposed congressional lines that would create five GOP-friendly House districts ahead of next year’s midterms. Democrats need only to net three seats to regain control of the lower chamber.
Kelly didn’t cite California Gov. Gavin Newsom by name, but he is the most high profile, and likeliest, example of a Democrat considering a counteroffensive remapping effort to squeeze more seats from a blue state. On Thursday, Newsom said he’d seek a November special election to have voters approve a new House map that would boost Democrats’ numbers. It’s an expensive and potentially perilous gamble that his Democratic colleagues throughout the country appear to be backing — a notably more aggressive posture for the party.
Various mid-decade redistricting efforts could launch a partisan arms race, as the parties look to redraw competing congressional maps to their own advantages. Democrats face a tougher path, as several blue states are bound by independent redistricting commissions and state constitutions, which would prevent them from quickly remaking maps. By contrast, discussions are already underway in several other Republican-controlled states that could follow Texas’ lead, including Missouri, Indiana and Florida.
Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz acknowledged there’s “validity” to concerns that Republicans might gain even more seats, should redistricting wars escalate.
But, Walz and Kelly said, “there's a bigger risk in doing nothing.”
“We can't just let this happen and act like it's fine, and hope that the courts fix it,” Kelly said. “We have no idea, quite honestly, at this point, what the courts might do, but by virtue of us responding in kind, we do send a message. We're not going to take this line down.”
Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers, who campaigned on ending partisan gerrymandering, called Trump’s requests for new maps “so un-American.” He nonetheless echoed Kelly’s call for Democrats to respond, adding when “you're up against the wall, you have to do whatever you can to stop it.”
Evers recently announced he will not seek another term, rendering the race to replace him a top-tier gubernatorial contest in one of the most politically divided states.
Kelly, Walz, Evers and several other governors, including Andy Beshear of Kentucky and Daniel McKee of Rhode Island, appeared together at the DGA press conference here, where they attacked President Donald Trump’s megabill.
Andrew Howard contributed reporting.
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